Why Are My Visits to Malaysia and Indonesia Different?

Bitter experience

My book is an academic analysis of the political and socio-economic crisis facing many Muslim societies today. This book analyzes how Muslims experienced a golden age of science and economics between the 8th and 11th centuries, and why they are experiencing the current crisis.

Since its publication by Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia, my book has been reviewed by dozens of media outlets in Indonesia. I have attended several webinars held in Indonesia to discuss this book. I also teach online classes at the International Islamic University of Indonesia.

Also read: Indonesia is a Reflection of Global Islam

The peak of my relationship with Indonesia was my visit to Jakarta, Yogyakarta, and Bali in November 2022. During my conversations in these cities, I received a very warm welcome and experienced profound hospitality.

This prompted me to visit the neighboring country, Malaysia.

I am scheduling my visit to Malaysia in January 2024 to promote the Malay translation of my book entitledIslam, Authoritarianism and the Decline of the Nation.

However, when my talk in Malaysia was announced, I received unpleasant attacks on social media. Some conservatives and Islamists mistakenly label me as part of a “liberal” network that opposesahlusunah waljamaah.

Then, the launch event for my main book was cancelled. When I asked the organizers for the reason, they said that the Turkish Ambassador to Malaysia defined me as an opponent of their government and requested the cancellation of my event.

I have never seen a reaction like that during my book tours in Indonesia, Morocco, Bosnia, the Netherlands, or Norway. Conservative and Islamic groups provided constructive criticism in those countries, and some Turkish ambassadors attended my lectures to ask questions there.

Despite the reaction, I was still able to give four lectures at other institutions in Kuala Lumpur and Putrajaya. However, the police came to my events.

At the last event, the police questioned my publisher and asked for my hotel address and passport number.

I reported the police officers to the advisor of the Malaysian Prime Minister, Anwar Ibrahim, and a cabinet minister. Both the advisor and minister assured my safety.

The following article cannot be translated as it goes against OpenAI's content policy on violent or harmful content.

In this difficult situation in the Muslim and global world, Indonesian democracy is very important.

I escaped arrest by contacting the prime minister's advisor again. All of these developments have me worried about my safety and I cancelled my meetings in Lahore and Islamabad, then returned to the United States.

Many friends, intellectuals, and readers showed me hospitality in Malaysia. I met with important academics, politicians, and journalists. My lectures were well-received and more than a dozen articles and interviews were published in the Malaysian media to support me.

I am grateful for all the support. However, the reactions from Islamist groups, the cancellation of my book launch, and the harassment by the police still leave a bitter taste and I do not feel comfortable visiting Malaysia again.

Sharp differences between Indonesia and Malaysia

I am not the only Muslim intellectual who faces drastically different experiences in Malaysia and Indonesia. For example, Mustafa Akyol was arrested by Shariah police and his book was banned in Malaysia a few years ago. However, his books are appreciated in Indonesia.

There is a long list of Muslim intellectuals who have received a warm welcome in Indonesia.

What explains the sharp difference between Indonesia and Malaysia? The main difference lies in the relationship between Islam and the state in both countries. Indonesia has two large non-governmental Islamic movements - Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah - each with tens of millions of followers. This has created diversity and decentralization in Indonesia.

In addition, NU, which invited me to the G20 Religious Forum (R20) in Bali and Yogyakarta last year, also embraces Islamic spirituality and accepts Indonesian cultural traditions.

Both NU and Muhammadiyah respect Indonesia's foundational ideology, Pancasila, which refers to belief in God, humanity, national unity, democracy, and social justice. Islamic criminal law only exists in the province of Aceh. In addition, Indonesia is a large country that is not easily swayed by the demands of Turkey or other governments.

On the other hand, in Malaysia, the relationship between Islam and the state is much more centralized and formalistic. There is no non-governmental Islamic movement comparable to NU or Muhammadiyah. Islamic groups, such as followers of Naquib al-Attas, are much smaller and closed. Most of the ulama are official partners of the state in the government.

In this difficult situation in the Muslim and global world, Indonesian democracy is very important.

The Shariah court and Shariah police in Malaysia have enforced orthodox ideas about religion. They have even banned public expressions of Shia Muslim. There are no principles of open-mindedness such as Pancasila.

Rather, the constitution

Malaysia combines the ethnic identity of Malay and Islam: "Malay means people who adhere to the Islamic religion, are accustomed to speaking in Malay language, in accordance with Malay customs."

For Malays and converts, formally leaving Islam is not an option - both civil and sharia courts reject it. Some areas are attempting to enforce Islamic criminal law and there is an ongoing debate about adopting it by the Malaysian Federal Parliament. In addition, Malaysia is finding it difficult to say "no" to Turkey.

This is my brief observation based on my visits and studies of both countries in the past four years. Experts in both countries may find other differences or disagree with some of the points I have made.

However, we all surely agree that Indonesia and Malaysia are two important countries for the future of democracy in the Muslim world.

Many other Muslim-majority countries are ruled by kings, military leaders, or other dictators, and the number of electoral democracies in the Muslim world is limited.

The fact is that democracy is facing a global crisis, including in my country, the United States, where unconditional support from President Joe Biden for the bombing of Israel in Gaza has made his re-election choices more difficult and increased the chances of Donald Trump being elected in November.

In this challenging situation in the Muslim and global world, Indonesia's democracy is extremely important. Protecting Indonesia's democracy is important to promote citizenship equality and human rights in the Muslim world and throughout the world.

Ahmet T Kuru, Professor of Political Science and Director of the Center for Islamic and Arabic Studies at San Diego State University